Brief 9

Will the west be held to ransom by Rajavi

Maryam Rajavi’s arrest in Paris prompted a violent reaction orchestrated by the Mojahedin cult, culminating in repeated self-immolations by Rajavi’s Fedayeen in the streets of several European countries. A short period of calm followed exactly after Mrs Rajavi’s release on bail, (the message of which was clear: release me and we’ll stop burning ourselves) before the recent arson attack on a French school in Australia, where the police immediately pointed the finger at the Mojahedin organisation and Rajavi’s hoodlums.

This pressure to halt France’s formal investigation process and legal proceedings was unsuccessful and on Tuesday 29 July 2003, Mrs Rajavi was summoned to court to answer questions regarding allegations of her involvement in terrorist activities. Since her arrest, Mrs Rajavi has tried in every possible way to distance herself from the past and present of the Mojahedin organisation and its disarmed army in Iraq. She has adopted the role of righteous victim and has cultivated her ‘political’ identity.

In this regard, the people who burned themselves were publicised as passers-by, tourists, or supporters etc. However, it was not difficult to prove that they had been sent from Iraq to carry out such operations in the West (refer to Brief 8 Iran-Interlink).

After the arson attack on the French school in Australia, the Mojahedin website stated : “everybody knows that the Iranian Resistance (which in their cult jargon means Rajavi’s people) has never resorted to violent activities outside the country…” National Council of Resistance statement, 28 July 2003.

This statement exposes the geographic distinctions of Rajavi’s cult, and clearly reveals that the problem for this group is not terror and violence per se but rather, where and when it is suitable to use them. It is also evident that the expression ‘outside the country’ means only some European and American countries. And after twenty years’ association with Saddam Hussein, and using tanks, armoured vehicles and big guns to massacre Kurds and the Shiites under the direct supervision of the Iraqi Intelligence officers, in particular the two dead sons of Saddam, they do not consider Iraq as ‘outside the country’.

However, what is important is why we receive these contradictory messages from them.

We should remember that currently the main objective of the Mojahedin from one side is to turn on their crocodile tears as victims; that is, to try to diminish the appearance of  danger presented by the presence of Rajavi’s Fedayeen forces (in countries which in the past two decades the Mojahedin have already thoroughly abused by misusing their democratic institutions and within which they recognised no boundaries for fraud and deception, including people smuggling, financial fraud and political chicanery). And from the other side to play the same card of these forces in order to regain the place which they lost with the removal of Saddam.

The clear message of Mr and Mrs Rajavi after the downfall of Saddam, their benefactor for twenty years, is that the restraint shown in not using the Fedayeen which they imported from Iraq to Europe and America, for violent actions is practicable only up to the point that they themselves are not under direct legal or financial threat (otherwise the minimum would be self-immolation and arson attacks in schools and plots to kill their opponents). And again, the more specific message during this phase is that if the problems of Mrs Rajavi are solved in Europe, that is, that the allegations and the normal legal processes are forgotten, then their trained, comatose and hopeless up to the chin and ready to die Fedayeen forces, are at the disposal of anybody who would be willing to pay the price by giving elbow room to Rajavi and filling his pockets. Otherwise, these same armed Fedayeen, trained in the different systems of Saddam Hussein, just as they have been repeatedly used in non-western geographic locations, such as the streets and shops of Tehran, the marshlands of southern Iraq, towns and villages of Kurdistan, cities in Turkey and etc. will, in future, become mobile bombs in the capitals of western countries.

Of course this is not the first time that this cult has threatened European countries and the USA with the use of violence and, of course, the security forces of these countries look at these threats and assess them and take them seriously. And since the history of suicide operations and the use of false documents and people smuggling cannot easily be forgotten, it should be said that in this case, western security forces will definitely be faced with a serious problem.

We remind you that Mrs Maryam Rajavi, on coming out of court uttered not a word beyond: “we do not have anything to hide and the law is on our side”.

Since by worldwide accepted definition, the law is not supposed to be on anybody’s side, and with respect to the knowledge of the Mojahedin’s previous tactics by which they issue messages and commands, the only conclusion which can be drawn from this sentence (of course after consultation with her lawyer and adding nothing else to it) is that Mrs Rajavi is giving her last ultimatum. And if it is felt that the law, for whatever reason, is not on her side, she will accept no responsibility for whatever action that the body of her organisation takes in the west.

The importance of this message becomes clearer as we study it in conjunction with the messages coming from Mr Massoud Rajavi in Iraq.

For the past few weeks, around fifty families of Mojahedin members have visited Baghdad and the desert surrounding the Mojahedin’s Ashraf camp, in a desperate attempt to meet with their loved ones. Another fifty families in Europe and America are watching the situation with worried eyes so that, if the first group of families find any success, then they will also go to Iraq. According to some reports the situation has come to the point that the Mojahedin have injured four fingers of an old mother’s hand with a knife accusing her of trying to carry out operations against the Mojahedin. And they have dragged another man on the ground behind a car so he would be a lesson to anybody who dares to ask about their children. In spite of these events, Rajavi again, with his usual effrontery, immediately issued another statement to say that the families have the right to see their children. Yet this odious lie has been repeated again and again. So, what difference is there between today and the last few years? Is it not that now Rajavi, in exchange for the normal right of families to see one another, is asking for a price and a ransom?

We can see that the Rajavis’ approach is the same and states that the law, whether in France or in Iraq or anywhere else, is on our side. Otherwise you know better than us what will befall you. Remember the threat that fooled some American soldiers in the chaos of Iraq into accepting a ceasefire so as not to have the problem of the Mojahedin at that time? Will the European countries, instead of getting together and drying up the root of this cult, which has been growing for the last two decades, back off and pay the daily increasing ransom demanded by Rajavi and his wife? Will western strategists and analysts underestimate the strategic danger and the price that has to be paid for entering into this game? Will those held accountable in democratic countries fail to take on their responsibility for the security of their people and the people of their allies’ countries all over the world?

In our view, this is not the scenario as it will be played out. The time of this hoodlum and ransom holder Rajavi has long passed, and the fall of Saddam Hussein is the best evidence of this.

This cult, as with others much larger, now it has arrived on a path conflicting with the people’s demands in different countries, and in direct confrontation with democratic governments and the rule of law, will finally be dissolved and set in its place.

And of course the real Iranian resistance also will be rid, once and for all, of those who have tried for years to steal and sully the name ‘Iranian Resistance’.

31 July 2003