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Maryam Rajavi s cult representative in European Parliament (Spanish MEP Alejo Vidal-Quadras has already scurriously attacked ‘a faction’ of the Iraqi government in the European Parliament alleging them ready to commit a second Srebrenica in Iraq)
Maryam Rajavi’s cult representative in European Parliament
... Unfortunately, those who know the MKO best, particularly its victims in Iraq, when they see the orchestrated and vigorous insistence on lies and deception cannot be blamed for believing in the corruptibility of parliament and that these MPs must be being paid for their activities ...
Anne Singleton, Iran-Interlink, May 11, 2009
(Alejo Vidal-Quadras - Mojahedin Khalq Terrorists logo - Rajavi and Saddam)
With the withdrawal from European politics of Portugal’s Paulo Casaca, Maryam Rajavi – who is following a Zionist-style regime change agenda - has apparently selected a replacement in the shape of Spanish MEP Alejo Vidal-Quadras from the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats. Vidal-Quadras has already scurriously attacked ‘a faction’ of the Iraqi government in the European Parliament alleging them ready to commit a “second Srebrenica in Iraq” in relation to MKO cult members in Camp Ashraf.
Some western observers may still be wondering whether the MKO’s supporters in various parliaments are acting out of ignorance or stupidity or sheer wickedness. Unfortunately, those who know the MKO best, particularly its victims in Iraq, when they see the orchestrated and vigorous insistence on lies and deception cannot be blamed for believing in the corruptibility of parliament and that these MPs must be being paid for their activities.
Sadly the failure of western governments to challenge the undemocratic activities of the MKO is not a new story.
MEP lines up with remains of Saddam against Iraqi government
Open Letter to Mr. Alejo Vidal-Quadras
... Of course, as Vice-President of the European Parliament, I was surprised that I did not hear of your visit from Iraqi government officials. Perhaps you did not see the need to discuss your concerns about this foreign terrorist entity with the legitimate government of the country you were visiting. Unfortunately, the unofficial nature of your visit to this terrorist group aligns you with the remains of the Saddam regime in Iraq...
I read about your recent unofficial trip to the infamous Camp Ashraf garrison which houses the remains of the Mojahedin Khalq terrorist organisation.
Of course, as Vice-President of the European Parliament, I was surprised that I did not hear of your visit from Iraqi government officials. Perhaps you did not see the need to discuss your concerns about this foreign terrorist entity with the legitimate government of the country you were visiting. Unfortunately, the unofficial nature of your visit to this terrorist group aligns you with the remains of the Saddam regime in Iraq.
I also read the open letter sent to your good self from Sahar Foundation in Baghdad - I have the honour to have been involved in its creation in Iraq earlier this year to save the victims of this terrorist cult.
The letter sent to you by Sahar Foundation needs no further elaboration but it is worth reminding your good self that the government of Iraq (with which I am now in regular contact and consultation) regards the group in which you have such an interest as part and parcel of Saddam's repressive army and therefore is adamant to expel them from their country. The Iraqi government sees no benefit or in fact obligation to assist a part of Saddam's private army who are neither Iraqis nor civilians. You must surely agree that these people cannot remain in Iraq. The American army will soon hand over the security of Diyali province to the Iraqi government which has pledged to remove the group from the country.
You visited the camp without any human rights organisation representative accompanying your good self. You visited the camp without any official from the government of Iraq and you visited the camp without even investigating the allegations as to what is really going on behind its closed doors. Whatever your intention, yours was certainly not a visit to investigate allegations of widespread, unnecessary hysterectomies performed on women in the camp, otherwise you would have taken the trouble of asking a couple of physicians to accompany you. You even failed to take an independent translator with you (or did the cult leaders deny entry to independent people?)
The least you could have done was to take with you a couple of the many hundreds of parents who have not been allowed to see their children for the last 25 years. Or, you could have asked for telephone lines to be installed to contact the people inside the camp.
Dear Mr Vidal-Quadras,
Did you not notice that the camp has no children inside? Did you not think that this is because the cult leader has banned marriage and family relations? Did you not notice that the citizens of "Ashraf City" wear uniforms and do not see "Rejection of Violence" as contradictory with "military training"? Did you not notice that all the people who were allowed to get near you were saying the same thing and acting the same way? Dear Sir, you are a politician. Surely you know better than anyone that if you have 10 people who wear the same uniform, say the same thing, laugh at the same time and shout at the same time, there must be a dictating force behind them.
And did you not see that the "city" you visited had no nursery, no shops, no school, no cinema, no marriage registry office, no public phone box, no post office, no….
Dear Sir, I really think you should visit the camp again, and this time I offer my services to accompany your good self. After all, I don't think that they have taken you to see the anti-nuclear Leadership compound which was built as a gift to Massoud Rajavi by Saddam Hussein, I am sure they have not let you visit the "Exit" section of the camp where over 300 people who refuse to take military orders are imprisoned by the cult.
Dear Sir, Immediately after the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, Massoud Rajavi, guru of the Mojahedin Khalq cult, went into hiding. After three years incommunicado, a statement was issued in 2006 in his name. In it Rajavi announced his timescale for toppling the Iranian regime: "in the next two years". Little attention was given at the time. Rajavi has made this kind of claim frequently over the past 30 years without effect.
Information from inside the cult, however, indicates that the specific deadline of January 2009 is part of a more sinister plan by the cult leaders. Following the announcement of this date, every member was required to sign a piece of paper giving their oath that they will not leave the cult until January 2009 – by which time, according to Rajavi, the regime must be toppled.
Rajavi's message states that when the deadline of January 2009 arrives: ‘anyone who wants to can leave, and I will myself throw out all the useless ones. I will keep the rest who are pure, and I will tell them then what they have to do for me'. Experts on the MKO's cult jargon interpret this as Rajavi's intention to have his followers 'wreak havoc'; the most predictable scenarios being mass suicide in Camp Ashraf and/or attacks on external interests with suicidal intensity in other parts of the world where the MKO cult has bases. That is, the ‘pure’ MKO operatives will kill all Rajavi’s opponents in Europe and then kill themselves.
The 2006 US State Department Country Reports on Terrorism, which describes the Mojahedin as a terrorist entity with cult-like characteristics, warned: "Many MEK leaders and operatives, however, remain at large, and the number of at-large MEK operatives who received weapons and bomb-making instruction from Saddam Hussein's regime remains a source of significant concern."
Our friends who have managed to escape for the camp during the last 5 years are deeply worried about yet another series of self-immolations or even suicide operations like the ones carried out by order of the cult leaders as recently as 2003.
We are deeply concerned that with the elapse of the deadline of January 2009 as Massoud Rajavi has promised, the remaining people will be forced into mass suicide and or mass murder of the ones who do not obey Rajavi anymore.
Sir, as someone who has access to the cult leaders, as someone who now has access to the inside of the camp, and as someone who has the ability and the power to make a difference, I urge you to help us to: 1- Open the gates of this camp ASAP to human rights organization representatives, in particular to independent physicians and psychologists. 2- Open the gates of this camp to the immediate families of people inside, some of whom have not seen their loved ones for over two decades. 3- Arrange a place of refuge (to replace the TIPF) for the ones who do not wish to continue serving the leaders of a terrorist cult so that they could run away from the hands of the Camp leaders. 4- Facilitate the transfer of all the people in the camp from Iraq to the safety of European countries where they can be rehabilitated and re integrated into normal societies.
Preliminary to a return visit, I would like to meet with you and bring to your attention some basic facts and information concerning Camp Ashraf and to discuss with you the Iraqi government’s position toward the group which you apparently failed to ascertain whilst visiting their country.
Cc: - Office of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maleki - Office of Iraqi President Jalal Talabani - Office of Javier Solana, Secretary-General of the Council of the European Union - Office of Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the UN - Human Rights Watch (New York) - Amnesty international (London) - UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office - US State Department - Embassies of France, Germany, Russia and China in London - Relevant MEPs
Dr Alejo Vidal-Quadras Roca Vice President of the European Parliament Brussels, Belgium
Sahar Family Foundation Baghdad November 2008
Please accept our warmest regards as well as those of the families of the members captured in the terrorist cult of Rajavi called the Mojahiden-e Khalq Organization (MKO) in Iraq.
According to the news released by the websites of the MKO, some MEPs as a delegation headed by you visited the base of the organization called "Ashraf" and expressed some opinions relating the garrison of the terrorist cult of Rajavi in Iraq.
The Sahar Family Foundation which consists of the former members of this organization and the families of mental and physical captives in the Ashraf garrison in Iraq would welcome such actions provided they are not one-sided and they do not intend political purposes. We do hope that such visits would continue and would also end to the savior of the captives in that cult and rejoin them with their families who are anxiously waiting to see their beloved ones for over two decades.
Referring to your expressions as well as those of other MEPs reflected in the MKO sites; obviously this visit was aimed for fact-findings about the cult garrison of the MKO in Iraq. Such action is of course welcomed; but we would like to ask you that: shouldn't a representative of those separated from the organization and those who have been subject to abuses or a representative of the families of those confined in that garrison and have no way to the outside world be present in such a visit?
Recently in a meeting in the European Parliament, Ms Nassrin Ebrahimi a former member of the MKO, talked about hysterectomy and castration of women. Surely this has drawn the attention of yours and that of the delegation that companied you in Ashraf. Also Ms Batool Soltani a former member of the leadership council of the MKO who is based in Baghdad and is the spokesperson of our foundation has listed the names of nearly 150 individuals (%10 of the total number of women in the organization) who have been castrated in the cult of Rajavi. Shouldn't a physician be present in your delegation to examine these miserable women for fact-finding? It is worth mentioning that Ms Soltani in Baghdad has announced several times that she is ready to visit the Ashraf garrison along with any international delegation in order to find the truth about the MKO.
Your visit and that of the delegation along with you from the Ashraf garrison in Iraq is merely used as a propaganda tool in the hands of a cult to further manipulate its captive followers, since no representative from the opponents, critiques or defectors of the organization were present. Cults do need to justify their inhumane actions and that is why they try to whitewash their faces using well-known people. Our expectation from European politicians was that they act more rational and more reasonable.
For your information it is worth mentioning that the garrison that the MKO calls the "Ashraf city" has the following characteristics:
1. Lacks any families or offspring. Children do not exist there. Women and men live on two opposite sides of this so called city separately and have no contacts with each other what so ever. That is sex apartheid is imposed severely in there. Even gas stations are separated for men and women.
2. The inhabitants of this garrison do not have the right to love anyone but the spiritual leader i.e. Massoud Rajavi. Any kind of expressing love or emotions towards any other person is prohibited and is considered as committing a sin.
3. Followers must regard the members of their families as their main enemies and therefore hate them. Reminding of spouses, offspring or parents is considered as treason to the cult. This cult regards family as the "nest of corruption".
4. Those based in this cult garrison are deprived from facilities such as telephone, cell phone, post, radio, television, internet, satellite, daily papers, gazettes or any form of connection with the outside world and do not have the least of ideas to what is happening outside the garrison. They are only fed with the information provided by the MKO media. It is interesting to know that the organization is even showing its own television programs with delay and after being censored for these practically hostages in the Ashraf garrison. This is done for preventing pictures of the normal life be shown to the captives in order to avoid the awakening effects on them.
5. Members have no right to criticize the actions and the policies of the leader of the cult and the followers have no right to even doubt the political and strategic lines of the organization.
6. Individuals have to attend inhumane sessions called "current operations" and be damned for their deeds and thoughts and even their night dreams. In these sessions which are the most immoral methods of psychological pressures over people, the natural mental and emotional defense of one is shattered in such a way that one submits oneself to any unsound demand and has not the power to say "no".
7. Finally the MKO under the leadership of Massoud Rajavi and his wife Maryam is an established cult according to modern scientific psychological and sociological definitions which utilizes mind manipulation methods in order to recruit, preserve and control its forces. This organization is using brainwashing techniques to restore a kind of modern slavery where individuals are both mentally and physically captives. Cults do need an isolated remote place in order to impose their mental methods over their followers and the Ashraf garrison in Iraq has provided such facilities for over two decades for the MKO first under Saddam Hussein's dictatorship and then under the protection of the US forces. In other hands the isolated European garrison of the MKO called the Maryam garrison in a suburban area in the north of Paris called Auvers-sur-Oise is used to theorize new mental implementation methods and is used to produce human robots.
If the politicians visiting the Ashraf garrison in Iraq have the least knowledge about the actions of a cult, they definitely know that what they did is to help a destructive terrorist cult to gain justification against its members which are its prime victims in order to brainwash them more and exploit them more.
We urge all MEPs who visited the Ashraf garrison in Iraq to ask the MKO leaders that why they do not allow free and without intervention visits of families with their beloved ones in the Ashraf garrison to take place and why they prevent them using all sorts of excuses.
Best regards Sahar Family Foudation Baghdad, Iraq
Copy to: The European Parliament's Presidential Committee A number of MEPs The public media
Of the most inhuman practices carried out within the MKO terrorist organization is the misuse of modern science to make women infertile.
Batoul Soltani, who was a Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO) member for 20 years and was promoted to the rank of the leadership council of the terrorist organization, told Press TV that individuals in the Mojahedin-e Khalq cult should reach what the organization sees as a peak by cutting all their links with the outside world.
“The women members who have dedicated their family life, children and husbands to the cult leaders are totally separated from the outside world by the removal of their womb. In the organization, the hysterectomy surgery is considered as reaching the peak.”
The former authority of camp Ashraf in Iraq, noted that some of the women even didn't have an idea of the operation done on their body since they were told that the operations are done for curing their sickness. Soltani also mentioned the leaders of the cult concluded that the removal of sexual parts of the body is even physically necessary.
Mojahedin-e Khalq which has undergone a so called ideological revolution has paved the way for a number of cultic practices within the organization. To name them, they are compulsory divorces, victimizing children, separating children from their families, trying to eliminate biological differences between men and women by forcing female members to carry out hard work, and now resorting to hysterectomy.
It appears that the ideological revolution of Mojahedin-e Khalq not only led the organization to transform into a notorious cult, but also brought about countless negative consequences, most of which have so far remained unknown to the outside world.
News about MKO's recent scandal has leaked out while Maryam Rajavi, wife of MKO leader Masoud Rajavi, seeks to introduce herself a radical feminist and the true defender of women rights.
Furthermore, she refers to the achievements of the ideological revolution of Mojahedin-e Khalq as a solution for the challenges concerning women rights.
The group is responsible for bombings, killings, and attacks against Iranian government officials and civilians over the past 25 years, including the assassination of the late president Mohammad-Ali Rajaei, prime minister Bahonar and judiciary chief Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti.
The MKO is also known to have cooperated with Iraq's former dictator Saddam Hussein to suppress the Iraqi people.
Reported by the Associated Press, supporters of MKO have claimed that the European Union has failed to adequately explain why it refused to take the group off its list of terrorist organizations despite an EU court ruling. The claims emerge at a time when the EU is decisive to keep MKO on its list of terror and will announce it in a few days. The EU has argued that the court's ruling focused on procedural problems and did not imply that the group had to be removed from the list.
Alejo Vidal-Quadras, vice president of the European Parliament and a supporter of MKO told a news conference that "We have come across no evidence whatsoever which would justify maintaining the PMOI on the terrorist list". It seems that these advocates talking on behalf of MKO have not yet come across the well justified evidences of the State Department that re-designated MKO as a terrorist organization on April 30.
State Department Report on Mojahedin Khalq Orgainsation. Rajavi cult headed by Massoud Rajavi and Maryam Rajavi
World wide condemnation of Mojahedin Khalq - Rajavi cult headed by Massoud Rajavi and Maryam Rajavi
Massoud Rajavi, Maryam Rajavi, Mohammad Mohaddessin, Mehdi Abrishamchi, Mojahedin Khalq leaders
In May 2005, Human Rights Watch issued a report on alleged human rights abuses committed by an Iranian opposition group, the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO/MEK),1 inside its military camps in Iraq from 1991 to February 2003, prior to the fall of Saddam Hussein?s government. The report, No Exit: Human Rights Abuses Inside the MKO Camps, detailed allegations by twelve former members of the MKO who told Human Rights Watch of a range of physical and psychological abuses they had suffered and witnessed.2 In addition, the report made use of the published memoir of the MKO?s former chief diplomatic representative in Europe and North America, Masoud Banisadr.3
Following publication of this Human Rights Watch report, individuals associated with the MKO and others, in communications to Human Rights Watch as well as publicly on Web sites connected with the MKO, raised objections to the findings of the report. We have investigated with care the criticisms we received concerning the substance and methodology of the report, and find those criticisms to be unwarranted.
A number of critics of the report claimed that Human Rights Watch was calling on the United States, Canada, and the European Union not to remove the MKO from their respective lists of groups identified as perpetrating or advocating acts of terrorism, in the face of a campaign by the MKO to have itself removed from such lists. Human Rights Watch in fact at no point, either in the report or in responses to media and other queries, took any position whatsoever on whether the MKO should be on such lists or removed from them. Rather, we did no more than report what we believed to be credible testimonies alleging serious abuses perpetrated by MKO officials against dissident members of the group, including prolonged deprivation of liberty and torture.
A group known as Friends of a Free Iran (FOFI), comprising four Members of the European Parliament ? Alejo Vidal Quadras, Paulo Casaca, Andre Brie, and Struan Stevenson ? presented the most extensive of the critiques of the No Exit report on September 21, 2005.4 The FOFI document disputed the testimonies and challenged the credibility of the witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, saying, among other things, that their allegations were ?widely believed to be orchestrated by Iran?s Ministry of Intelligence.?5 The MKO has similarly alleged that Human Rights Watch?s witnesses, and dissident former members generally, are in fact agents of Iranian intelligence. Neither FOFI nor any of the other critics of the Human Rights Watch report have provided any credible evidence to support this charge.
The FOFI document followed a five-day visit by a delegation of FOFI members to the MKO?s main base in Iraq, Camp Ashraf, in July 2005. The FOFI delegation reportedly interviewed 19 MKO members inside Camp Ashraf. According to the FOFI document, these present MKO members disputed testimonies given by the former MKO members to Human Rights Watch. The FOFI delegation did not interview any of the individuals who gave testimonies to Human Rights Watch.
Because Human Rights Watch places a high premium on the accuracy of our reporting and public statements, the organization took these allegations seriously. We went back to our sources to review and reevaluate the credibility of their allegations.In October 2005 Human Rights Watch researchers met in person with all twelve witnesses quoted in the No Exit report. The researchers conducted interviews lasting several hours with each witness, individually and privately. All interviews were conducted in Germany and the Netherlands, where the witnesses now live.
All of the witnesses recounted in extensive detail their experiences inside the MKO camps from the 1991-2003 period, and how MKO officials subjected them to various forms of physical and psychological abuses once they made known their wishes to leave the organization. Human Rights Watch researchers questioned the witnesses at great length about the circumstances under which these abuses allegedly took place. The researchers also asked the witnesses to respond to the specific issues raised in the FOFI document with regard to their testimonies. The witnesses provided detailed and credible responses to these challenges that were consistent with their earlier testimony as recounted in No Exit and are detailed in the appendix to this statement.
The only piece of information that emerged during these detailed face-to-face interviews that differed from the account in No Exit concerned the period of Mohammad Hussein Sobhani?s detention by the MKO. In No Exit, Human Rights Watch reported that MKO officials had held Sobhani in solitary confinement for eight-and-a-half years, from September 1992 to January 2001. The FOFI document stated that ?upon his own request, he [Sobhani] lived in an apartment furnished with all living commodities of a comfortable life. Despite PMOI?s insistence that he must leave the organization, he was not willing to do so...?6
In his testimony in October 2005, Sobhani told Human Rights Watch that MKO officials held him continuously in solitary confinement from September 1992 until February 1998 inside Camp Ashraf, a period of five-and-a-half years. He said that in February 1998 the MKO leadership offered to transfer him to a better location and then to facilitate his transfer to Europe, where his daughter was living. Subsequently, the MKO moved Sobhani to another MKO camp near Baghdad, called Camp Parsian. He said he stayed there until June 1999, under circumstances that he described as ?house arrest.? He said he was free to leave his apartment in Camp Parsian but could not leave the camp unless accompanied by MKO guards, and could not leave for Europe. In June 1999, during a visit to Baghdad, he escaped and attempted to reach the United Nations office there. He was captured by the Iraqi police and turned over to MKO officials. From June 1999 until January 2001, Sobhani said, the MKO again held him in a prison inside Camp Ashraf, once again in solitary confinement. In January 2001, the MKO transferred Sobhani to Iraqi custody. The Iraqi authorities imprisoned him in Abu Ghraib until January 21, 2002.7
As reported by the witnesses interviewed for No Exit, the MKO transferred scores of dissident members from MKO detention into Iraqi custody. Iraqi authorities then incarcerated the men in Abu Ghraib prison. Five of the twelve individuals interviewed by Human Rights Watch for No Exit said theyended up in Abu Ghraib as a result of such transfers, and they told Human Rights Watch that former MKO members were being held there when they arrived. The FOFI document fails to address the MKO?s transfer of the dissidents to Iraqi custody or their subsequent detention in Abu Ghraib.
The FOFI document also raised two other objections to the Human Rights Watch report. Firstly, the FOFI document questioned Human Rights Watch?s methodology of conducting interviews with witnesses by phone. Human Rights Watch, like other organizations that conduct research and report on current affairs, sometimes relies on telephone interviews to gather information. Telephone interviews are a recognized and appropriate method of information gathering. Human Rights Watch has no reason to believe that any of the witnesses misidentified or (misrepresented) themselves in any way whatsoever. They reaffirmed their credibility in face to face interviews in October 2005.
Secondly, the FOFI document challenged Human Rights Watch?s report by stating that, during their visit to Camp Ashraf, the FOFI delegation did not find any indications of abuse or ill-treatment of MKO members. The Human Rights Watch report, as was made clear in that text, covered allegations of abuse inside the MKO camps prior to the overthrow of the government of Saddam Hussein in April 2003. The testimonies by witnesses who recounted allegations of detention and physical abuse cover the period from 1991 to February 2003. After the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003, U.S. forces interviewed MKO members inside the MKO camps. The U.S. military set up a separate camp for those members who indicated that they wished to leave the organization. At least 300 members (out of a total of nearly 4000) chose to leave the organization. The Human Rights Watch report did not include any testimonies or allegations of witnesses as to whether there were ongoing abuses inside Camp Ashraf after the invasion of Iraq. Thus, the findings of FOFI with respect to current conditions in the MKO camp have no relevance to the Human Rights Watch report of testimonies about conditions in the camp from 1991 to February 2003.
MKO members inside Camp Ashraf who the FOFI delegation interviewed disputed certain statements by the witnesses whose accounts appeared in the Human Rights Watch report. Human Rights Watch researchers questioned the witnesses at length concerning the allegations contained in the FOFI document.
Their responses, in the view of Human Rights Watch, confirm the credibility and reliability of their original testimonies in No Exit. The Human Rights Watch report contained allegations by witnesses that two MKO members, Ghorbanali Torabi and Parviz Ahmadi, died as a result of abuse suffered in MKO detention. The FOFI document challenged these testimonies.
With regard to Ghorbanali Torabi?s death, the FOFI delegation interviewed two MKO members in Camp Ashraf who disputed these testimonies. These two MKO members, Zahra Seraj, Torabi?s wife, and Masoume Torabi, Torabi?s sister, told the FOFI delegation that he had died of a heart attack, and not as a result of beatings at the hands of MKO officials. Neither of them claimed to have been present when he died. According to a communication to Human Rights Watch from Lord Avebury, who said he had interviewed Masouma Torabi by telephone on June 13, 2005, ?Masouma saw Ghorbanali a week before he died.?8
Human Rights Watch again questioned Abbas Sedeghinejad, one of Human Right Watch?s original sources on these events, about Torabi?s death. Abbas Sadeghinejad confirmed his earlier testimony, based on his experience of sharing a prison cell with Torabi.9 He again told Human Rights Watch that late one night, after Torabi had been taken out of the cell for two days, two men carried Torabi back to the cell, threw him inside, and locked the cell again. Torabi, Sadeghinejad said, was not breathing and his face showed signs of severe beating. He said that other cellmates examined Torabi more closely and believed that he had suffered broken bones. Sadeghinejad acknowledged that Torabi may have died of a heart attack, but maintained that the MKO had severely beaten Torabi, apparently during interrogation.
Alireza Mir Asgari corroborated the fact of Torabi?s detention and ill-treatment at the hands of the MKO, based on his own direct experience. Mir Asgari told Human Rights Watch that the MKO also detained him at the time Torabi was detained. He said that he knew Torabi well as a child in Iran, and that Torabi had recruited him in Tehran at the age of seventeen to join the MKO ranks in Iraq. Mir Asgari told Human Rights Watch that during his detention in 1995, he encountered Torabi face-to-face during an interrogation session. He said that the interrogators questioned them both about Torabi?s motivation for recruiting Mir Asgari to the MKO camps in Iraq and accused them of working for the Iranian government. Mir Asgari said that when he met Torabi during this interrogation, Torabi?s body showed signs of beatings and physical abuse.10
Mir Asgari told Human Rights Watch that when he raised the subject of Torabi?s death with MKO leader Massoud Rajavi, Rajavi alternately responded that Torabi had committed suicide and that Mir Asgari and other prisoners had themselves killed Torabi because they suspected him of being an informant. He said Rajavi at no point claimed that Torabi had died from a heart attack.
Concerning the death of Parviz Ahmadi, the FOFI delegation reported that Hossein Roboubi, an MKO member, told them that Ahmadi died during a military operation inside Iran.11 In its report, Human Rights Watch cited the MKO?s claim that Ahmadi was killed by Iranian agents.12 Human Rights Watch also presented the testimony of three witnesses, Abbas Sadeghinejad, Ali Ghashghavi, and Alireza Mir Asgari, who said that they had shared a prison cell with Ahmadi and saw him die inside the prison after prison guards returned him from an interrogation session. During Human Rights Watch?s face-to-face interviews in October 2005, each of these witnesses gave separate, detailed, and consistent accounts of their recollection regarding Ahmadi?s death. These testimonies were consistent with their earlier statements as published in the No Exit report.13
The FOFI document contains an interview with Hassan Ezati in Camp Ashraf. Hassan Ezati is the father of Yasser Ezati one of the witnesses quoted in the Human Rights Watch report. Hassan Ezati reportedly told the FOFI delegation that ?Yasser having left Camp Ashraf went directly to the Iranian Embassy in Baghdad.?14 When asked about this statement, Yasser Ezati strongly denied it. He said that he first went to the German Embassy in Baghdad because he had lived in Germany before moving to Iraq. He told Human Rights Watch that because the German Embassy was closed at the time, his only options were either to return to Camp Ashraf or to go to Iran. He said he was desperate not to return to Camp Ashraf because he had waited for so many years to find the opportunity to leave. He decided to risk returning to Iran for lack of any alternative. He told Human Rights Watch that he went to the Iranian border on his own. Yasser Ezati said that during his stay in Iran, the Iranian local police arrested him three times for ?moral offenses.? Yasser decided that because he had never lived in Iran previously he could not stay there and left for Germany.15
The FOFI document contains an interview with Leila Ghanbari, an MKO member in Camp Ashraf who disputed the testimonies of Habib Khorrami, Tahereh Eskandari, and Mohammad Reza Eskandari in Human Rights Watch?s report. Tahereh Eskandari and Habib Khorrami are sister and brother. Tahereh and Mohammad Reza Eskandari are married. Leila Ghanbari is the former wife of Habib Khorrami and had left Iran for Iraq with Khorrami and Tahereh Eskandari in 1988. The Human Rights Watch report quoted the Eskandaris as saying: ?The organization had taken our passports and identification documents upon our arrival in the [MKO] camp [in Iraq]. When we expressed our intention to leave, they never returned our documents. We were held in detention centers in Iskan as well as other locations.? Leila Ghanbari disputed this statement, telling the FOFI delegation: ?In one place they say my passport was taken from me. Let me tell you that I laughed at this claim? What passport? They were escapees!?16 The FOFI authors state that MKO officials ?said both Mohammad Reza Eskandari and Tahereh Eskandari crossed the border from Iran to Iraq and they never had passports to begin with.?17
Human Rights Watch questioned Mohammad Reza Eskandari, Tahereh Eskandari, and Habib Khorrami separately regarding these allegations by Leila Ghanbari and the unnamed MKO officials. The Eskandaris and Khorrami separately told Human Rights Watch that Tahereh Eskandari, Habib Khorrami, and Leila Ghanbari left Iran together in March 1988 to go to Iraq, crossing the Turkish border and using their passports to do so. They said the MKO confiscated their passports and never returned them. Mohammad Reza Eskandari was the only member of this family who escaped Iran without a passport across the Iraqi border. All three also noted in separate individual interviews that Leila Ghanbari was pregnant when she left Iran for Turkey, and that her and Habib Khorrami?s son was born in Turkey. Habib Khorrami, Ghanbari?s former husband and the boy?s father, showed Human Rights Watch a copy of their son?s birth certificate issued in Istanbul in April 1994 and stating the date of birth as June 13, 1988.
Leila Ghanbari also disputed the statements by these witnesses that the MKO had confined them in various MKO detention centers. Mohammad Reza Eskandari, Tahereh Eskandari, and Habib Khorrami, in separate face-to-face interviews again provided Human Rights Watch with detailed and consistent accounts of their confinement in various MKO detention centers.18
 Alsoknown as People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI). http://Human RightsWatch.org/backgrounder/mena/iran0505/index.htm  MasoudBanisadr, Memoirs of an Iranian Rebel (London: Saqi Books, 2004).  Thereport was presented on September 21 at a meeting in Brussels sponsored by theFOFI, according to a September 23 press release on the website of the NationalCouncil of Resistance of Iran, an MKO-related group The text of the FOFIdocument later became available on the same website: Many of the points raised in the FOFI document also were raised separately incorrespondence addressed to Human Rights Watch by Lars Rise, a member of theNorwegian Parliament, and two members of the U.K. House of Lords, Lord EricAvebury and Lord Gordon Slynn.  FOFI document, pg. 6.  FOFI document, pg. 65.  HumanRights Watch interview with Mohammad Hussein Sobhani, Germany, October 4, 2005.  LordAvebury email to Human Rights Watch, June 15, 2005.  HumanRights Watch interview with Abbas Sedeghinejad, Germany, October 2, 2005.  HumanRights Watch interview with Alireza Mir Asgari, Germany, October 2, 2005.  FOFIdocument, pgs. 60-62. http://hrw.org/backgrounder/mena/iran0505/4.htm#_Toc103593132:: ?? the MKO's publication Mojahed of March 2, 1998, lists Parviz Ahmadias an MKO 'martyr' killed by Iranian intelligence agents.?  HumanRights Watch interview with Abbas Sedeghinejad, Germany, October 2, 2005. HumanRights Watch interview with Alireza Mir Asgari, Germany, October 2, 2005. HumanRights Watch interview with Ali Ghashghavi, Germany, October 3, 2005. Theirtestimonies regarding Ahmadi?s death appeared in No Exit, Pgs. 16-17.  FOFIdocument, p. 69.  HumanRights Watch interview with Yasser Ezati, Germany, October 3, 2005.  FOFI document, p. 78.  FOFI document, p. 78.  HumanRights Watch interview with Tahereh Eskandari, The Netherlands, October 6,2005. Human Rights Watch interview with Mohammad Reza eskandari, TheNetherlands, October 6, 2005. Human Rights Watch interview with Habib Khorrami,The Netherlands, October 6, 2005.
Mr. Mariano Rajoy, Leadre of People's Party (Spain) Mr. Jose Luis Rodrigues Zapatero,Leader of Spanish Socialist Workers' Party Mr.José Montilla Aguilera, General Secretary of Socialists' Party of Catalonia Mr. Cayo Lara, Leader of United Left (Spain) Mr. Artur Mas i Gavarró, Leader of Convergence and Union
Respectfully, we would like to acknowledge that the Iranian Pen Club is consisted of those ex-members of the MKO who managed to free themselves from the mental and even physical barriers of the Organisation. The main object of the Association is of course to try to help the previous comrades in such way that they be able to free themselves too and start a decent normal life again along with their families and beloved ones.
(Alejo Vidal-Quadras - Mojahedin Khalq Terrorists logo - Rajavi and Saddam)
As you are aware, when Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq was removed, some terrorist Cults with regional and international activities lost their only godfather and benefactor. One of them is the Mojahedin-e Khalq organisation. Also the Mojahedin have alienated their own members and supporters who dare to speak about these realities. The organization imprisoned them so the others would understand the price of criticism. There are many who have had to undergo imprisonment and torture ordered directly by Mr and Mrs Rajavi. Above and beyond that, was the exposure of the plans of the so called National Council of Resistance to eliminate disaffected members and critics. Of course is it years now that the people of Iran have knowingly and deliberately turned their back on the Mujahidin Organization, which shows their political understanding, like the people and all political groups of the Spain that consider “ ETA “ as a terrorist organisation. But we would like to inform that Mr. Vidal Quadrass, Member of The People's Party ( Spain ) and Member of the European Parliament from Spain is supporting and backing up the Mojahedin Khalgh Terrorist Cult European parliament. Unfortunately, he is Rajavi’s cult representative in European Parliament now. Is it certainly a justly able position for a Spanish member of parliament to support a terrorist cult? What is difference between Terrorist Organization “ETA “and Mojahedin Khalgh Terrorist Cult? we would like to ask from Mr. Vidal Quadrass many questions. Has Mr. Vidal Quadrass ever asked Mojahedin Khalgh Terrorist Cult to explain about the forced separation of families and spouses? Has Mr. Vidal Quadrass ever asked the leaders of Mojahedin Cult about the strategy of ‘war and Terror in the cities’ and the murder of thousands of people in Iran? Has Mr. Vidal Quadrass ever asked for an explanation about the role of Masoud Rajavi and maryam Rajavi as the ideological leaders who have never made a mistake and never will? Why members of Cult have to attend brainwashing sessions in Ashraf garrison in Iraq and Auvers-Sur-Oise garrison in France that called "current operations" and be damned for their deeds and thoughts and even their night dreams. Why in these brainwashing sessions which are the most immoral methods of psychological pressures over people, the natural mental and emotional defense of one is shattered in such a way that one submits oneself to any unsound demand. Also, I would like to remained you that cults do need an isolated remote place with tall walls in order to impose their brainwashing techniques over their followers and the Ashraf garrison in Iraq and Auvers-Sur-Oise garrison in France have provided such facilities for many years for the MKO. In conclusion, we request from yourself and your colleagues as leaders of the political parties of Spain, in particular Mr. Mariano Rajoy leader of the Spanish People's Party, that considering the local and internernational threat posed by the terrorist cult Mojahedin-e Khalq as described above, that you bring the complaints of the Pen Association and likeminded people to the attention of Mr Vidal Quadras over his cooperation and support for the terrorist cult Mojahedin-e Khalq.
With many thanks and regards The Iranian Pen Club 22.05.2009
(Alejo Vidal-Quadras - Mojahedin Khalq Terrorists logo - Rajavi and Saddam)
Honorable President of the Government of Spain
“Mr. Jose Luis Rodrigers Zapatero”
Respectfully, I would like to introduce myself before anything else. I am an ex member of the Central Committee of Mojahedin Khalq Organisation (MKO). This can be verified from their own propaganda outlets including Mojahed Publication (Special Edition, Autumn 1992) which mentions my name as a Deputy Executive Committee member.
In 1992 I became an outspoken critic of what is know as the "forced divorces" and of what is known as "armed struggle". More than that, I criticised what was apparent about the special relations between the organisation and Saddam Hussein, the ousted dictator of Iraq. I was imprisoned for a few months in solitary confinement inside Ashraf camp and over all spent about 8 years in different prisons.
In January 2001, after 8 years of imprisonment and physical and mental torture, they turned me over to Abu Ghraib prison where I was held for more than a year.
I would like to inform your Excellency that MR. VIDAL QUADRASS, Member oft he European Parliament from Spain is supporting and backing up the leaders of MKO, MRS. MARYAM RAJAVI and MASOUD RAJAVI and their terrorist cult in European parliament.
MR. VIDAL QUADRASS visited from Camp of Ashraf in Iraq for more help to this terorist cult last year. But without any human rights Organisation representative accompanying his good self., He visited the camp without even investigating the allegations as to what is really going on behind its closed doors. MR. VIDAL QUADRASS visited from Camp of Ashraf in Iraq, but he did not notice that the camp has no children inside and he did not think that this is because the cult leader has banned marriage and family relations?
I would like to remained you that self-immolations done by some members in European capitals after the arrest of their leader Maryam Rajavi in Paris on 17 June 2003, is one obvious example of the kind. Like all cults, this organisation needs a remote site to be able to isolate the members from the outside world. The residents of Ashraf Camp in Iraq and Auvers-Sur-Oise Camp in France have no contact with the real world, not even with their relatives.
At the end, I would like to remained you that the Mojahedin Khalgh Terorist Cult has a similar place as the terrorist organization “ ETA “ in the hearts and minds of people of Iran. Is it certainly a justlyable position for a Spanish member of parliament to support a terrorist cult?
MEPs intrigued by accounts of newly arrived escapees from Camp Ashraf
Discussion of the Mojahedin-e Khalq/National Council of Resistance and its activities in the EU Parliament
... Ms Ebrahimi said she saw Mr Paulo Casaca when he visited Camp Ashraf. We were not allowed to approach him and speak to him, she explained to delegates. If they had somewhere to go, she told delegates, without doubt ninety-nine percent of the people in Camp Ashraf would leave the camp and the MKO...
Reported from EU Parliament, Sep. 09, 2008
On Tuesday 9 September a meeting was held by the Delegation for Relations with Iran in the European Parliament. The meeting focused on ‘Discussion of the Mojahedin-e Khalq/National Council of Resistance and its activities in an exchange of views with:
Ms Anne Singleton expert on the MKO Representative of the NCR (declined invitation) Three Residents of Ashraf Refugee Camp who arrived from Iraq in the last couple of weeks: Ms. Ebrahimi, Mr. Hassan Piransar and Mr. Hamid Siah Mansoori. Also present were former MKO members Karim Haggi, Mohammad Sobhani, Hadi Shams Haeri and Ali Ghashghavi, who accompanied the new arrivals to provide support to these vulnerable people.
Ms Angelika Beer, President of the Iran Delegation (Greens/EFA), began by describing the MKO and its activities up to the present time.
Anne Singleton briefly described her own involvement with the MKO for over twenty years.
Asserting that the MKO will not give up the use of violence to achieve its aims, Ms Singleton went on to explain why, in spite of that, she believes that the MKO has currently little to do with the Iranian political scene, but that precisely because it is a cult, its danger is that it interferes in parliamentary democracy in western countries in ways that may even involve criminal activity.
Whilst agreeing that the MKO’s platform of ‘total regime change’ in Iran could be attractive to some politicians in the west, Ms Singleton challenged the delegates to consider whether the MKO would be able to achieve its stated aim – ‘will it do what it says on the tin’? Since its last major offensive against Iran in 1988, the MKO has achieved little to further its aims. She told delegates that they should also consider the possibility that, even if they believe the MKO has changed tactic and intends to pursue its aims only through political opposition, the MKO may not actually be ‘fit for purpose’ She urged them to consider the evidence of the three former residents of Camp Ashraf who have arrived in Europe from Iraq only in the past few weeks, and who would speak later in the meeting about conditions inside the MKO.
Ms Singleton asserted that Iranian people – as those delegates who have visited Iran are aware – are not waiting to be rescued by the MKO and are capable of opposing their own government. Iranian women are not waiting to be taught about feminism by Maryam Rajavi who leads an organisation which – as Batul Ebrahimi will testify - badly abuses women members.
Then Ms Singleton described the current situation of the MKO in Iraq. Control of Camp Ashraf, the MKO’s headquarters, has been transferred from the American military to the Iraqi military. Ms Singleton said that Iraqi government officials are angry at reports which suggest that the MKO would be ‘massacred’ if the Americans handed over Camp Ashraf.
Instead, the people inside the camp are facing a humanitarian crisis because they are not allowed even basic freedoms such as the right to enjoy contact and visits from their families. A rumour has arisen that the Americans have removed around 300 of those captive in Camp Ashraf and left the others. Ms Singleton said that if this is the case then she would consider the remaining 3000 individuals in Camp Ashraf to be ex-members of the MKO. They should be brought to western countries as soon as possible.
Finally, Ms Singleton presented delegates with one solution to the crisis at Camp Ashraf, remove the MKO from the European terrorist list and bring ALL 3,300 residents to Europe where those who are mentally, physically and emotionally sick would be able to receive help.
Ms Singleton finished by reminding delegates that continuing support for the MKO would, of course, mean that the European Parliament accepted to have a cult operating in its midst and continuing to interfere in parliamentary democracy. However, if that is the decision to be made, then so be it.
Ms Beer thanked Anne Singleton for her contribution and asked the three recently arrived, former Camp Ashraf residents to speak.
Ms Ebrahimi (speaking in Farsi) told delegates that she had gone to Camp Ashraf when she was sixteen years old and although she quickly realised she wanted to leave, she was captive there for another ten years. She described conditions for women in the camp. Not only does the MKO not allow women to marry, women are made to work in the scorching sun for hours at a time so their complexions are ruined and they become ugly. This is so they do not develop the vanity to think they could be attractive to a man, she told delegates.
In order to remove hope from the women of ever having a family, they are being sent under surgery for spurious medical conditions to have their wombs removed [hysterectomy] and around ten percent of women in Camp Ashraf have now undergone this surgery. When they tried to impose it on her, Ms Ebrahimi ran away. She begged delegates to take doctors to Camp Ashraf to check the veracity of what she was telling them.
The MKO told her that if she left the camp and went with the American soldiers, they would rape her. For this reason it took two years before she was able to have the courage to escape.
Ms Ebrahimi said she saw Mr Paulo Casaca when he visited Camp Ashraf. We were not allowed to approach him and speak to him, she explained to delegates. If they had somewhere to go, she told delegates, without doubt ninety-nine percent of the people in Camp Ashraf would leave the camp and the MKO.
Mr Hamid Siah Mansoori (speaking English) told delegates he had been in the MKO for over twenty five years. He described how he had gone to Iraq from Canada. He had a good education, and a good life in Canada and had his own business before leaving everything behind in the mid 1980s to go to Iraq. He then described the MKO’s attitude to family. He said no one is allowed to contact their family, except in a few cases where people were told to contact their family to get money from them. He said the MKO told his family he was dead. They came to look for him five years ago – at the beginning of the American occupation – but were told he was dead.
Mr Hamid Siah Mansoori said he had arrived only a week ago, but had lost any contact details for his family. Nevertheless, his first priority now was to make contact with his parents and the rest of his family.
Ms Beer asked delegates if they had questions. One delegate asked how the MKO continued to be financed which allowed them to continue to undertake such expensive campaigns in parliament and elsewhere. Another delegate asked for more detail about the role of the Americans in supporting Camp Ashraf when the US State Department so strongly describes them as a terrorist group.
Anne Singleton answered these questions, pointing out that during the reign of Saddam Hussein the MKO had received almost unlimited finance from Saddam Hussein, as well as from Saudi Arabia and some western governments from behind the scene. Now, however, although it is clear that MKO finances are dwindling somewhat, it was unclear how the MKO could continue to spend so much money, and the only people to answer that are the MKO themselves.
Ms Singleton pointed out a five year rift in policy toward the MKO between the US State Department – which has a very thorough knowledge of the MKO – and the US Defense Department under Donald Rumsfeld. Some in the US Administration wanted to use the MKO in confronting Iran and therefore Camp Ashraf has been protected by the US military in Iraq for five years. Ms Singleton conceded that this protection was beneficial in keeping the MKO out of danger in the midst of a war zone. But that the Americans had also flouted the UN Fourth Geneva protocol by not allowing MKO to meet their families and not enabling them to leave the situation.
Ms Beer then introduced Mr Mohammad Sobhani who had previously addressed the Delegation. Following that meeting he had been the subject of unfounded accusations of having attacked MKO members in Paris. Instead, Mr Sobhani was the victim of a violent attack when some fifty MKO supporters ambushed a meeting at which Mr Sobhani was a speaker.
Following this, Mr Hadi Shams Haeri briefly pleaded with delegates to help him have contact with his children whom he has not been allowed to see for eighteen years. He asked that Mr Paulo Casaca accompany him to Camp Ashraf and help him meet with them again.
At the end of the meeting Ms Beer expressed her appreciation for the speakers and said it had been a valuable meeting. One which, given the ongoing situation at Camp Ashraf, might soon be repeated.
After the meeting, several of the attendees stopped to talk to the visitors – in particular the three who had just arrived from Iraq - and asked them to keep them informed of developments.